Contents

pp.：  7 – 20

List of Tables

pp.：  21 – 22

Acknowledgements

pp.：  23 – 24

Preliminary Notes

pp.：  25 – 28

Part One Introduction: The Linguistic Analysis of Verbal Tenses in Biblical Poetic Texts

pp.：  29 – 92

Chapter One Verbal Tenses in Classical Biblical Prose: A Selected Bibliographical Review

pp.：  31 – 48

1.1. Approaches and Terminology

pp.：  32 – 38

1.1.1. Discourse Analysis and the Hebrew Verb

pp.：  32 – 34

1.1.1.1. Various Tendencies in Discourse Analysis

pp.：  33 – 33

1.1.1.2. Discourse Modes: Definition and Typology

pp.：  34 – 34

1.1.2. Structural Analysis

pp.：  35 – 35

1.1.3. Generative Syntax and Functional Analysis

pp.：  36 – 35

1.1.4. Speech Act Theory

pp.：  36 – 36

1.1.5. Formal Semantics and Tense-Aspect Research

pp.：  37 – 37

1.1.6. Theoretical Frameworks in BH Modality Studies

pp.：  38 – 38

1.2. The Morphosyntax of BH Verbal Forms

pp.：  39 – 45

1.2.1. Nominal Forms in Predicate Position: Participle and Infinitives

pp.：  40 – 40

1.2.2. Volitive Modal Forms: The Cohortative, Imperative, and Jussive

pp.：  41 – 42

1.2.3. Indicative Finite Verb Forms: לטק, לטקיו, לטקי, לטקו

pp.：  43 – 45

1.2.3.1. The Morphosyntactic Status of the Indicative Forms

pp.：  43 – 43

1.2.3.2. The Semantic Constituents of the Categories

pp.：  44 – 44

1.2.3.3. The Sequential Tenses

pp.：  45 – 45

1.3. Diachronic and Dialectal Research on the BH Verb

pp.：  46 – 48

Chapter Two The Problem of Verbal Tenses in Biblical Poetry: Review of Research

pp.：  49 – 51

2.1. Word Order in the Verbal Clause in Poetry

pp.：  49 – 49

2.2. Verbal Semantics in Poetry

pp.：  50 – 49

2.3. The Verb in Poetry: Different Theoretical Standpoints

pp.：  50 – 50

2.4. The Diachronic Study of the Verb in Poetry: A Glance at ‘Archaic’ Poetry

pp.：  51 – 51

Chapter Three Verbal Tenses in Poetry: The Methodological Standpoint

pp.：  52 – 92

3.1. Towards a Method: Preliminary Insights

pp.：  52 – 52

3.2. Discourse Analysis of Biblical Poetry: Basic Criteria

pp.：  53 – 74

3.2.1. Linear vs. Pragmatic Standpoints in the Discursive Analysis of Biblical Poetry

pp.：  53 – 54

3.2.2. Investigating Biblical Poetic Discourse: Five Principle Criteria

pp.：  55 – 74

3.2.2.1. The Communicative Situation and the Problem of Subjectivity

pp.：  55 – 59

3.2.2.1.1. The Conversational Framework and Quoted Speech

pp.：  56 – 57

3.2.2.1.2. Monologue-Blocks

pp.：  58 – 58

3.2.2.1.3. Subjectivity in Poetic Speech: Levels of Personal Presentation

pp.：  59 – 59

3.2.2.2. Pragmatic Information in Poetry: Direct and Indirect Speech Acts

pp.：  60 – 63

3.2.2.2.1. Illocutionary Intentions in the Conversational Framework

pp.：  61 – 61

3.2.2.2.2. Illocutionary Intentions in Monologue-Blocks and the Principle of Pragmatic Attraction

pp.：  62 – 63

3.2.2.3. Temporal Patterns

pp.：  64 – 70

3.2.2.3.1. Deictic Time and its Textual Marking

pp.：  66 – 68

3.2.2.3.1.1. Deictic Time in the Conversational Framework

pp.：  66 – 66

3.2.2.3.1.2. Deictic Time in Quoted Speech

pp.：  67 – 67

3.2.2.3.1.3. Deictic Time in Monologue-Blocks

pp.：  68 – 68

3.2.2.3.2. Anaphoric Time

pp.：  69 – 69

3.2.2.3.3. Sequential Time

pp.：  70 – 70

3.2.2.4. Aspectual Entities

pp.：  71 – 72

3.2.2.5. Principles of Text-Progression

pp.：  73 – 74

3.3. Discourse Modes in Biblical Poetry: A Working Typology

pp.：  75 – 81

3.3.1. From Discursive Analysis to Discourse Classification: An Overview

pp.：  75 – 76

3.3.2. Defining Poetic Discourse Modes

pp.：  77 – 81

3.3.3. Introducing the Discursive Heterogeneity of Poetic Composition

pp.：  82 – 81

3.4. TAM and Discourse Modes in Poetic Speech

pp.：  82 – 89

3.4.1. The Contribution of Discourse Modes to Semantic Analysis

pp.：  82 – 83

3.4.1.1. From Discourse Modes to Tenses and Back

pp.：  82 – 82

3.4.1.2. Discourse Modes and Volitive Forms: An Illustration

pp.：  83 – 83

3.4.2. TAM Semantics and Pragmatic Constraints

pp.：  84 – 85

3.4.3. The Problem of Ambiguity in Poetic Language

pp.：  86 – 89

3.4.3.1. Atemporal Perspective

pp.：  86 – 87

3.4.3.2. The Dynamic Interchange between Aspectual Viewpoints and Types of Modality

pp.：  88 – 88

3.4.3.3. Episodic vs. Generic Interpretation

pp.：  89 – 89

3.5. Linguistic Diversity in ‘Archaic’ Biblical Poetry: A Multifaceted Interpretative Framework

pp.：  90 – 92

Part Two Corpus Analysis

pp.：  93 – 288

Chapter Four The Song of Moses (Deut 32:1–43)

pp.：  97 – 130

4.1. Introduction: Discourse Structure

pp.：  97 – 99

4.2. Verbal Forms

pp.：  100 – 126

4.2.1. Nominal Verbal Forms

pp.：  100 – 100

4.2.2. Preterite לטקי(ו) ( < *yaqtul)

pp.：  101 – 112

4.2.2.1. The Preterite: Morphosyntactic Characteristics

pp.：  102 – 102

4.2.2.2. The Preterite: Semantic, Pragmatic, and Discursive Characteristics

pp.：  103 – 112

4.2.2.2.1. The Preterite and the Narrative Fragment

pp.：  103 – 109

4.2.2.2.1.1. The Preterite in Narrative

pp.：  105 – 104

4.2.2.2.1.2. The Perfect in Narrative

pp.：  105 – 106

4.2.2.2.1.3. The Imperfective in Narrative

pp.：  107 – 108

4.2.2.2.1.4. Perfective vs. Imperfective לטקי in Narrative: Discussion

pp.：  109 – 109

4.2.2.2.2. The Preterite in Non-Narrative Fragments

pp.：  110 – 112

4.2.2.3. The Preterite: Conclusion

pp.：  113 – 112

4.2.3. Perfect לטק

pp.：  113 – 117

4.2.3.1. The Perfect: Morphosyntactic Characteristics

pp.：  113 – 113

4.2.3.2. The Perfect: Semantic, Pragmatic, and Discursive Characteristics

pp.：  114 – 115

4.2.3.2.1. The Resultant, Static, Gnomic, Performative, and Prophetic Perfect

pp.：  114 – 114

4.2.3.2.2. The Perfect for Simple Past and Anteriority

pp.：  115 – 115

4.2.3.2.3. The Perfect as Irrealis

pp.：  116 – 115

4.2.3.3. The Problem of לטקו in the Song

pp.：  116 – 117

4.2.3.4. Perfect לטק: Conclusion

pp.：  118 – 117

4.2.4. Imperfective לטקי (< *yaqtulu)

pp.：  118 – 123

4.2.4.1. Imperfective לטקי: Morphosyntactic Characteristics

pp.：  118 – 118

4.2.4.2. Imperfective לטקי: Semantic, Pragmatic, and Discursive Characteristics

pp.：  119 – 123

4.2.4.2.1. Imperfective לטקי as Present Progressive

pp.：  119 – 119

4.2.4.2.2. Imperfective לטקי as Iterative Aspect and Present Habitual

pp.：  120 – 120

4.2.4.2.3. Imperfective לטקי and the Volitive Forms in the Song

pp.：  121 – 121

4.2.4.2.4. Imperfective לטקי for Future

pp.：  122 – 123

4.2.4.3. The Imperfective: Conclusion

pp.：  124 – 123

4.2.5. Modal Volitive Forms

pp.：  124 – 126

4.2.5.1. The Imperative

pp.：  124 – 124

4.2.5.2. The Jussive

pp.：  125 – 125

4.2.5.3. The Cohortative

pp.：  126 – 125

4.2.5.4. Modal Volitive Forms: Conclusion

pp.：  126 – 126

4.3. The System of Verbal Tenses in the Song of Moses: Conclusion

pp.：  127 – 130

Chapter Five The Song of the Sea (Exod 15:1–18)

pp.：  131 – 148

5.1. Introduction: Discourse Structure

pp.：  131 – 134

5.2. Verbal Forms

pp.：  135 – 146

5.2.1. Nominal Verbal Forms

pp.：  135 – 135

5.2.2. Perfect לטק

pp.：  136 – 138

5.2.2.1. Perfect לטק: Morphosyntactic Characteristics

pp.：  136 – 135

5.2.2.2. Perfect לטק: Semantic, Pragmatic, and Discursive Characteristics

pp.：  136 – 138

5.2.2.2.1. Perfect לטק in Subordinate Clauses

pp.：  137 – 137

5.2.2.2.2. Perfect לטק in Poetic Report

pp.：  138 – 138

5.2.3. לטקיו

pp.：  139 – 138

5.2.4. Imperfective לטקי

pp.：  139 – 144

5.2.4.1. Imperfective לטקי: Morphosyntactic Characteristics

pp.：  139 – 139

5.2.4.2. Imperfective לטקי: Semantic, Pragmatic, and Discursive Characteristics

pp.：  140 – 144

5.2.4.2.1. Imperfective לטקי in the Hymnal Speech

pp.：  140 – 140

5.2.4.2.2. Imperfective לטקי in Temporal Clauses

pp.：  141 – 141

5.2.4.2.3. Imperfective לטקי in the Report

pp.：  142 – 144

5.2.4.2.3.1. Imperfective לטקי as a Circumstantial Embedded Event

pp.：  143 – 142

5.2.4.2.3.2. Preterite or Imperfective?

pp.：  143 – 143

5.2.4.2.3.3. Imperfective לטקי in the Report: Conclusion

pp.：  144 – 144

5.2.5. Volitive Modal Forms

pp.：  145 – 146

5.3. The System of Verbal Tenses in the Song of the Sea: Conclusion

pp.：  147 – 148

Chapter Six The Song of Deborah (Jdg 5:2–30)

pp.：  149 – 174

6.1. Introduction: Discourse Structure

pp.：  149 – 154

6.2. Verbal Forms

pp.：  155 – 171

6.2.1. Perfect לטק

pp.：  155 – 163

6.2.1.1. Perfect לטק: Morphosyntactic Characteristics

pp.：  155 – 155

6.2.1.2. Perfect לטק: Semantic, Pragmatic, and Discursive Characteristics

pp.：  156 – 162

6.2.1.2.1. Perfect לטק in the Retrospective Report and Other Tenses

pp.：  157 – 159

6.2.1.2.1.1. The Retrospective Report: Perfect לטק

pp.：  157 – 158

6.2.1.2.1.2. לטקי and לטקיו in the Retrospective Report

pp.：  159 – 159

6.2.1.2.2. Perfect לטק in the Hymnal Report

pp.：  160 – 160

6.2.1.2.3. Perfect לטק in Direct Discourse Quotations

pp.：  161 – 161

6.2.1.2.4. Perfect לטק in Argument (Tribal Sayings)

pp.：  162 – 162

6.2.1.3. Perfect לטק: Conclusion

pp.：  163 – 163

6.2.2. Imperfective לטקי

pp.：  164 – 167

6.2.2.1. Imperfective לטקי: Morphosyntactic Characteristics

pp.：  164 – 164

6.2.2.2. Imperfective לטקי: Semantic, Pragmatic, and Discursive Characteristics

pp.：  165 – 167

6.2.2.2.1. Imperfective לטקי as Progressive Present

pp.：  165 – 165

6.2.2.2.2. Imperfective לטקי as Historical Present

pp.：  166 – 165

6.2.2.2.3. Imperfective לטקי as Past Iterative and Habitual Present

pp.：  166 – 166

6.2.2.2.4. The Problem of Preterite לטקי

pp.：  167 – 167

6.2.2.3. Imperfective לטקי: Conclusion

pp.：  168 – 167

6.2.3. Volitive Modal Forms

pp.：  168 – 171

6.2.3.1. The Imperative

pp.：  168 – 168

6.2.3.2. The Cohortative

pp.：  169 – 169

6.2.3.3. The Jussive

pp.：  170 – 171

6.2.3.4. Volitive Modals: Conclusion

pp.：  172 – 171

6.3. The System of Verbal Tenses in the Song of Deborah: Conclusion

pp.：  172 – 174

Chapter Seven The Song of David (II Sam 22:2–51)

pp.：  175 – 206

7.1. Introduction: Discourse Structure

pp.：  175 – 185

7.1.1. The Communicative Situation and the Problem of the Speaker’s Identity

pp.：  175 – 176

7.1.2. Discourse Mode Variety

pp.：  177 – 179

7.1.3. The Victory Song in II Sam 22:33–46: Problems of Discursive Analysis

pp.：  180 – 184

7.1.4. The Discourse Structure of II Sam 22:2–51: Conclusion

pp.：  185 – 185

7.2. Verbal Forms

pp.：  186 – 203

7.2.1. Nominal Verbal Forms in Predicate Position

pp.：  186 – 186

7.2.2. Preterite לטקי(ו) (< *yaqtul)

pp.：  187 – 190

7.2.2.1. Preterite לטקי(ו): Morphosyntactic Characteristics

pp.：  187 – 186

7.2.2.2. Preterite לטקי(ו): Semantic, Pragmatic, and Discursive Characteristics

pp.：  187 – 188

7.2.2.2.1. Preterite לטקי(ו) in the Narrative Passage and Other Tenses

pp.：  187 – 188

7.2.2.2.2. לטקיו in Non-Narrative Discourse Modes

pp.：  189 – 188

7.2.2.3. Preterite לטקי(ו): Conclusion

pp.：  189 – 190

7.2.3. Perfect לטק

pp.：  191 – 191

7.2.3.1. Perfect לטק: Morphosyntactic Characteristics

pp.：  191 – 190

7.2.3.2. Perfect לטק: Semantic, Pragmatic, and Discursive Characteristics

pp.：  191 – 191

7.2.3.3. Perfect לטק: Conclusion

pp.：  192 – 191

7.2.4. Imperfective לטקי (< *yaqtulu)

pp.：  192 – 194

7.2.4.1. Imperfective לטקי: Morphosyntactic Characteristics

pp.：  192 – 191

7.2.4.2. Imperfective לטקי: Semantic, Pragmatic, and Discursive Characteristics

pp.：  192 – 194

7.2.4.3. Imperfective לטקי: Conclusion

pp.：  195 – 194

7.2.5. Volitive Modal Forms

pp.：  195 – 194

7.2.6. Verbal Forms in the Retrospective Report in II Sam 22:33–46

pp.：  195 – 203

7.2.6.1. Participial Phrases

pp.：  197 – 196

7.2.6.2. Forms of the Prefix Conjugation and the Structure of the Retrospective Report

pp.：  197 – 199

7.2.6.3. Perfect לטק and Its Role in the Retrospective Report

pp.：  200 – 201

7.2.6.4. The System of Tenses in the Retrospective Report of II Sam 22:33–46: Conclusion

pp.：  202 – 203

7.3. The System(s) of Verbal Tenses in the Song of David: Conclusion

pp.：  204 – 206

Chapter Eight The Blessing of Jacob (Gen 49:2–27)

pp.：  207 – 232

8.1. Introduction: Discourse Structure

pp.：  207 – 212

8.1.1. The Opening

pp.：  207 – 208

8.1.2. Separate Sayings: Discourse Mode Mapping

pp.：  209 – 212

8.1.2.1. The Personal Sayings

pp.：  211 – 212

8.1.2.2. The Impersonal Sayings

pp.：  213 – 212

8.2. Verbal Forms

pp.：  213 – 228

8.2.1. The Participle

pp.：  213 – 213

8.2.2. The Perfect

pp.：  214 – 218

8.2.2.1. The Perfect: Morphosyntactic Characteristics

pp.：  214 – 213

8.2.2.2. The Perfect: Semantic, Pragmatic, and Discursive Characteristics

pp.：  214 – 218

8.2.2.2.1. The Perfect in Retrospective Report

pp.：  214 – 216

8.2.2.2.2. Static, Performative, and Gnomic Perfect

pp.：  217 – 218

8.2.2.3. The Perfect: Conclusion

pp.：  219 – 218

8.2.3. Waw-Consecutive לויקט

pp.：  219 – 221

8.2.3.1. לטקיו: Morphosyntactic Characteristics

pp.：  219 – 218

8.2.3.2. לטקיו: Semantic, Pragmatic, and Discursive Characteristics

pp.：  219 – 220

8.2.3.2.1. לטקיו as Past Sequential

pp.：  220 – 220

8.2.3.2.2. לטקיו in a Generalizing Sentence

pp.：  221 – 220

8.2.3.3. לטקיו: Conclusion

pp.：  221 – 221

8.2.4. Imperfective לטקי

pp.：  222 – 224

8.2.4.1. לטקי: Morphosyntactic Characteristics

pp.：  222 – 221

8.2.4.2. לטקי: Semantic, Pragmatic, and Discursive Characteristics

pp.：  222 – 223

8.2.4.2.1. לטקי: in Impersonal Generalized Sentences

pp.：  222 – 223

8.2.4.2.2. לטקי: for Future and Epistemic Modality

pp.：  224 – 223

8.2.4.3. לטקי: Conclusion

pp.：  224 – 224

8.2.5. Volitive Forms

pp.：  225 – 228

8.2.5.1. The Jussive

pp.：  225 – 227

8.2.5.1.1. The Jussive as a Volitive Mood

pp.：  225 – 226

8.2.5.1.2. The ‘Jussive’ Form in a Generalizing Sentence

pp.：  227 – 227

8.2.5.2. The Imperative

pp.：  228 – 227

8.2.5.3. The Cohortative

pp.：  228 – 228

8.2.5.4. Volitive Forms: Conclusion

pp.：  229 – 228

8.3. The System of Verbal Tenses in the Blessing of Jacob: Conclusion

pp.：  229 – 232

Chapter Nine The Oracles of Balaam (Num 23:7–10, 18–24; 24:3–9, 15–19)

pp.：  233 – 252

9.1. Introduction: Discourse Structure

pp.：  233 – 239

9.1.1. The Problem of the Speech Participants and Speech Pragmatics

pp.：  233 – 235

9.1.2. The Discourse Mode Typology

pp.：  236 – 239

9.2. Verbal Forms

pp.：  240 – 252

9.2.1. The Participle

pp.：  240 – 240

9.2.2. The Perfect

pp.：  241 – 244

9.2.2.1. The Perfect: Morphosyntactic Characteristics

pp.：  241 – 240

9.2.2.2. The Perfect: Semantic, Pragmatic, and Discursive Characteristics

pp.：  241 – 242

9.2.2.2.1. The Stative, Resultant, and Anterior Perfect; the ‘Perfect of Confidence’

pp.：  241 – 241

9.2.2.2.2. Perfect for Future in Prospective Report

pp.：  242 – 242

9.2.2.3. The Perfect: Conclusion

pp.：  243 – 242

9.2.2.4. לטקו

pp.：  243 – 244

9.2.3. Imperfective לטקו

pp.：  245 – 247

9.2.3.1. Imperfective לטקו: Morphosyntactic Characteristics

pp.：  245 – 244

9.2.3.2. Imperfective לטקו: Semantic, Pragmatic, and Discursive Characteristics

pp.：  245 – 247

9.2.3.2.1. Imperfective לטקו for the Present Progressive and ImmediateFuture

pp.：  245 – 245

9.2.3.2.2. Imperfective לטקו in Retrospective Report

pp.：  246 – 246

9.2.3.2.3. Imperfective לטקו for Habitual Aspect, Future, and Epistemic Modality

pp.：  247 – 247

9.2.3.3. Imperfective לטקו: Conclusion

pp.：  248 – 247

9.2.4. Volitive Forms

pp.：  248 – 250

9.2.4.1. The Jussive

pp.：  248 – 250

9.2.4.1.1. The Jussive as a Volitive Mood

pp.：  249 – 249

9.2.4.1.2. The Jussive as a Conditional or Subjunctive Mood

pp.：  250 – 250

9.2.5. The System of Verbal Tenses in the Oracles of Balaam: Conclusion

pp.：  251 – 252

Chapter Ten The Blessing of Moses (Deut 33:2–29)

pp.：  253 – 274

10.1. Introduction: Discourse Structure

pp.：  253 – 257

10.1.1. The Communication Participants

pp.：  253 – 254

10.1.2. The Dynamism of Discourse Modes

pp.：  255 – 257

10.2. Verbal Forms

pp.：  258 – 271

10.2.1. The Participle

pp.：  258 – 259

10.2.2. Perfect לקט

pp.：  260 – 263

10.2.2.1. The Perfect: Morphosyntactic Characteristics

pp.：  260 – 260

10.2.2.2. The Perfect: Semantic, Pragmatic, and Discursive Characteristics

pp.：  261 – 263

10.2.2.2.1. The Perfect for Resultant and Anterior Events

pp.：  261 – 261

10.2.2.2.2. The Perfect in Habitual Sayings

pp.：  262 – 262

10.2.2.2.3. The Perfect for Simple and Sequential Past

pp.：  263 – 263

10.2.2.3. The Perfect: Conclusion

pp.：  264 – 263

10.2.3. לטקיו

pp.：  264 – 264

10.2.4. Imperfective לטקי

pp.：  265 – 269

10.2.4.1. Imperfective לטקי: Morphosyntactic Characteristics

pp.：  265 – 265

10.2.4.2. Imperfective לטקי: Semantic, Pragmatic, and Discursive Characteristics

pp.：  266 – 268

10.2.4.2.1. Imperfective לטקי for Circumstantial Embedded Events

pp.：  266 – 266

10.2.4.2.2. לטקי for the Present Habitual

pp.：  267 – 267

10.2.4.2.3 לטקי in Volitive and Other Modal Usages

pp.：  268 – 268

10.2.4.3. Imperfective לטקי: Conclusion

pp.：  269 – 269

10.2.5. Volitive Modal Forms

pp.：  270 – 271

10.2.5.1. The Imperative

pp.：  270 – 270

10.2.5.2. The Jussive

pp.：  271 – 271

10.3. The System of Verbal Tenses in the Blessing of Moses: Conclusion

pp.：  272 – 274

Chapter Eleven The Song Hannah (I Sam 2:1–10)

pp.：  275 – 288

11.1. Introduction: Discourse Structure

pp.：  275 – 279

11.2. Verbal Forms

pp.：  280 – 285

11.2.1. Nominal Verbal Forms

pp.：  280 – 280

11.2.1.1. The Active Participle

pp.：  280 – 280

11.2.1.2. The Infinitive Construct

pp.：  281 – 280

11.2.2. The Perfect

pp.：  281 – 281

11.2.3. לטקיו

pp.：  282 – 283

11.2.4. Imperfect לטקיו

pp.：  284 – 284

11.2.5. Volitive Forms: The Jussive

pp.：  285 – 285

11.3. The System of Verbal Tenses in the Song of Hannah: Conclusion

pp.：  286 – 288

Part Three The Verb Tenses in Archaic Hebrew: A Typological and Historical Evaluation

pp.：  289 – 342

Chapter Twelve The Historical-Linguistic Study of the Hebrew Archaic Verb: Methodological Observations

pp.：  291 – 303

12.1. Signs of Linguistic Diversity in the Corpus:Preliminary Remarks

pp.：  291 – 294

12.1.1. Verbal Tenses and Discourse Modes in Poetic Texts

pp.：  291 – 293

12.1.2. Beyond the Discourse Mode Typology

pp.：  294 – 294

12.2. Pinpointing a Relatively Archaic Phenomenon

pp.：  295 – 303

12.2.1. The Chronological Factor: Methodological Problems

pp.：  295 – 298

12.2.1.1. The Discursive Test

pp.：  295 – 295

12.2.1.2. The Historical Linguistic Test

pp.：  296 – 296

12.2.1.3. The Systemic Test

pp.：  297 – 298

12.2.2. In Search of the Historical-Linguistic Context

pp.：  299 – 303

12.2.2.1. Genetic Classification: The Scope of Central Semitic

pp.：  299 – 299

12.2.2.2. Genetic Classification: The Position of Hebrew

pp.：  300 – 301

12.2.2.3. Genetic Groups and Linguistic Areas

pp.：  302 – 303

Chapter Thirteen The Archaic Phenomena of Verbal Morphosyntax

pp.：  304 – 326

13.1. Examination of the Data

pp.：  304 – 319

13.1.1. Preterite לטקי

pp.：  304 – 305

13.1.2. Imperfective לטקי

pp.：  306 – 308

13.1.3. Nominal Verbal Forms in Predicate Position

pp.：  309 – 309

13.1.4. The Limited Use of Perfect לטק in Narrative

pp.：  310 – 311

13.1.5. The Lack of Conditional and Purposive לטקו

pp.：  312 – 312

13.1.6. The Perfect לטק(ו) for Simple Past in Report

pp.：  313 – 313

13.1.7. The Lack of the System of Sequential Tenses

pp.：  314 – 315

13.1.8. The 2nd-Person Jussive in Affirmative Sentences

pp.：  316 – 316

13.1.9. The Jussive in Non-Volitive Sentences

pp.：  317 – 316

13.1.10. The Lack of Complementary Syntactic Distribution between the Volitive and Non-Volitive Forms of the Prefix Conjugation

pp.：  317 – 318

13.1.11. The Lack of the Lengthened Imperative

pp.：  319 – 319

13.2. Mapping Out the Relatively Archaic Phenomena: Conclusion

pp.：  320 – 321

13.3. Non-Archaic Language Types in the Corpus

pp.：  322 – 326

13.3.1. The Transition from the Archaic to the Classical Stages of the Verb System

pp.：  322 – 322

13.3.2. The Phenomena of Classical and Late Biblical Syntax in the Corpus of ‘Archaic’ Poetry

pp.：  323 – 324

13.3.3. The Archaic Hebrew Verb and LBH: Some Traces of Similarity

pp.：  325 – 326

Chapter Fourteen The Archaic Hebrew Verb and Signs of Linguistic Diversity

pp.：  327 – 342

14.1. The Archaic Hebrew Verb: Typology

pp.：  327 – 329

14.1.1. Indicative Forms

pp.：  327 – 328

14.1.2. Volitive Modal Forms

pp.：  329 – 329

14.2. Considering Linguistic Diversity: Narrative Tenses as a Case Study

pp.：  330 – 340

14.2.1. Narrative Tenses in the Archaic Language Type: An Interpretation

pp.：  330 – 336

14.2.2. Narrative Tenses in the Archaic Language Type: The Historical Context

pp.：  337 – 340

14.3. Concluding Remarks

pp.：  341 – 342

Bibliography

pp.：  343 – 370

Indexes

pp.：  371 – 375