Contents

pp.：  5 – 12

List of Tables

pp.：  13 – 16

List of Abbreviations

pp.：  17 – 18

Acknowledgements

pp.：  19 – 20

Chapter One Introduction

pp.：  21 – 44

1.1 Salish languages

pp.：  27 – 35

1.1.1 Classification

pp.：  27 – 33

1.1.2. Comparative/historical Salish studies

pp.：  34 – 35

1.2 Previous research on Salish applicatives

pp.：  36 – 39

1.3 The corpus of data

pp.：  40 – 44

Chapter Two The Morphosyntax of Salish Applicatives

pp.：  45 – 70

2.1 Outline of Salish morphosyntax

pp.：  45 – 58

2.1.1. NP marking

pp.：  46 – 47

2.1.2. Subject marking

pp.：  48 – 50

2.1.3. Object marking

pp.：  51 – 53

2.1.4. Passive

pp.：  54 – 54

2.1.5. Possessive marking

pp.：  55 – 57

2.1.6. Extraction

pp.：  58 – 58

2.2 Syntactic structure of applicative constructions

pp.：  59 – 69

2.2.1. Applied object

pp.：  59 – 61

2.2.2. Theme NPs in ditransitive constructions

pp.：  62 – 68

2.2.2.1. NP marking

pp.：  62 – 66

2.2.2.2. Extraction

pp.：  67 – 68

2.2.3. Summary

pp.：  69 – 69

2.3 Summary

pp.：  70 – 70

Chapter Three Relational Applicatives

pp.：  71 – 136

3.1 Predicate classes and relational applicatives

pp.：  73 – 81

3.1.1. Internal experience predicates

pp.：  74 – 75

3.1.2. Expression predicates

pp.：  76 – 76

3.1.3. Action predicates

pp.：  77 – 77

3.1.4. Movement predicates

pp.：  78 – 78

3.1.5. Transfer verbs

pp.：  79 – 78

3.1.6. Nature predicates

pp.：  79 – 80

3.1.7. Summary

pp.：  81 – 81

3.2 The form and function of relational suffixes

pp.：  82 – 128

3.2.1. The relational suffix in Interior Salish

pp.：  84 – 94

3.2.1.1. Internal experience predicates

pp.：  84 – 86

3.2.1.2. Expression predicates

pp.：  87 – 88

3.2.1.3. Action predicates

pp.：  89 – 90

3.2.1.4. Movement predicates

pp.：  91 – 92

3.2.1.5. Transfer verbs

pp.：  93 – 93

3.2.1.6. Nature predicates

pp.：  94 – 94

3.2.1.7. Summary

pp.：  95 – 94

3.2.2. Relational suffixes in Central Salish

pp.：  95 – 117

3.2.2.1. Relational *-mi

pp.：  96 – 103

3.2.2.2. Relational *-ni

pp.：  104 – 108

3.2.2.3. Relational *-nәs

pp.：  109 – 112

3.2.2.4. Relational -ac

pp.：  113 – 117

3.2.2.5. Summary

pp.：  118 – 117

3.2.3. Relational suffixes in Tillamook

pp.：  118 – 121

3.2.3.1. Relational -әwi (<*-mi)

pp.：  119 – 119

3.2.3.2. Relational -әs

pp.：  120 – 121

3.2.4. Relational suffixes in Tsamosan

pp.：  122 – 128

3.2.4.1. Relational *-mi

pp.：  122 – 124

3.2.4.2. Relational *-ni

pp.：  125 – 125

3.2.4.3. Relational -t(a)s

pp.：  126 – 127

3.2.4.4. Summary

pp.：  128 – 128

3.3 Summary

pp.：  129 – 136

3.3.1. The distribution and usage of Salish relational suffixes

pp.：  129 – 130

3.3.2. Historical perspectives on relational suffixes

pp.：  131 – 136

Chapter Four Redirective Applicatives

pp.：  137 – 196

4.1 Semantic roles of redirective applied objects

pp.：  139 – 150

4.1.1. Semantic roles of applied objects in redirective applicatives

pp.：  139 – 143

4.1.2. Semantic ambiguity

pp.：  144 – 149

4.1.3. Summary

pp.：  150 – 150

4.2 The form and function of redirective suffixes

pp.：  151 – 189

4.2.1. Redirective suffix in Northern Interior Salish

pp.：  153 – 154

4.2.2. Redirective suffixes in Central Salish

pp.：  155 – 163

4.2.3. Redirective suffixes in Tsamosan

pp.：  164 – 170

4.2.4. Redirective suffixes in Southern Interior Salish

pp.：  171 – 189

4.2.4.1. Redirective *-xi

pp.：  171 – 174

4.2.4.2. Redirective -ł

pp.：  175 – 180

4.2.4.3. Redirective -tuł

pp.：  181 – 188

4.2.4.4. Summary of redirective suffixes in Southern Interior Salish

pp.：  189 – 189

4.3 Summary

pp.：  190 – 196

4.3.1. The distribution and usage of Salish redirective suffixes

pp.：  190 – 192

4.3.2. Historical perspectives on redirective suffixes

pp.：  193 – 196

Chapter Five Exceptional Applicative Suffixes

pp.：  197 – 240

5.1 Applicative suffixes that switch types

pp.：  198 – 205

5.1.1. Redirective suffixes used as relational

pp.：  198 – 200

5.1.2. The suffix -ši in Tillamook

pp.：  201 – 203

5.1.3. A relational suffix used as a redirective

pp.：  204 – 204

5.1.4. Summary

pp.：  205 – 205

5.2 Transitive uses of applicative suffixes

pp.：  206 – 223

5.2.1. Relational suffixes used as transitives

pp.：  209 – 218

5.2.1.1. Transfer verbs

pp.：  209 – 210

5.2.1.2. Verbs of loss or separation

pp.：  211 – 211

5.2.1.3. Verbs of putting things at a distance

pp.：  212 – 212

5.2.1.4. Verbs using contact to move an object

pp.：  213 – 213

5.2.1.5. Verb involving using the hands

pp.：  214 – 214

5.2.1.6. Verbs of imbibing

pp.：  215 – 214

5.2.1.7. Contact verbs with an effect on the theme

pp.：  215 – 215

5.2.1.8. Summary

pp.：  216 – 217

5.2.1.9. Redirective suffixes used as transitives

pp.：  218 – 218

5.2.2. Applicative suffixes as causative

pp.：  219 – 222

5.2.3. Summary

pp.：  223 – 223

5.3 Bella Coola applicatives

pp.：  224 – 237

5.3.1. Applicative suffix -amk

pp.：  224 – 229

5.3.2. Applicative suffix -m

pp.：  230 – 233

5.3.3. Applicative suffixes used as transitives

pp.：  234 – 235

5.3.4. The Bella Coola puzzle

pp.：  236 – 237

5.4 Summary

pp.：  238 – 240

Chapter Six A Closer Look at Transitive Marking

pp.：  241 – 270

6.1 Transitive suffixes used as applicatives

pp.：  241 – 247

6.1.1. General transitive suffix used as applicative

pp.：  241 – 243

6.1.2. Causative suffix used as applicative

pp.：  244 – 247

6.2 Transitive marking and objects in applicatives

pp.：  248 – 267

6.2.1. S-object versus M-object

pp.：  249 – 252

6.2.2. Redirective versus relational

pp.：  253 – 258

6.2.2.1. The causative hypothesis

pp.：  254 – 253

6.2.2.2. The dative hypothesis

pp.：  254 – 255

6.2.2.3. Contrasting the two hypotheses

pp.：  256 – 257

6.2.2.4. Summary: Transitive and object marking

pp.：  258 – 258

6.2.3. Four cases of reanalysis of transitive suffixes

pp.：  259 – 267

6.2.3.1. -min in Interior Salish

pp.：  259 – 260

6.2.3.2. -xit in Interior Salish

pp.：  261 – 263

6.2.3.3. -tuxwt in Tsamosan

pp.：  264 – 264

6.2.3.4. The case of Bella Coola

pp.：  265 – 264

6.2.3.5. Disappearing transitive markers and object selection

pp.：  265 – 265

6.2.3.6. Remnants

pp.：  266 – 267

6.3 Summary

pp.：  268 – 270

Chapter Seven Combinatory Properties of Applicatives

pp.：  271 – 318

7.1 Applicatives, reflexives, and reciprocals

pp.：  273 – 279

7.1.1. Reflexives and reciprocals followed by applicatives

pp.：  274 – 276

7.1.2. Applicatives followed by reflexives and reciprocals

pp.：  277 – 278

7.1.3. Summary: Applicatives, reflexives, and reciprocals

pp.：  279 – 279

7.2 Applicative, causative, and non-control suffixes

pp.：  280 – 291

7.2.1. The causative suffix

pp.：  281 – 286

7.2.1.1. Causative followed by applicatives

pp.：  282 – 282

7.2.1.2. Applicatives followed by causatives

pp.：  283 – 286

7.2.2. The non-control suffix

pp.：  287 – 290

7.2.2.1. Non-control followed by applicatives

pp.：  288 – 288

7.2.2.2. Applicatives followed by non-control

pp.：  289 – 290

7.2.3. Summary: Applicatives, causatives, and non-control

pp.：  291 – 291

7.3 Applicatives and lexical suffixes

pp.：  292 – 300

7.3.1. Lexical suffixes followed by applicatives

pp.：  294 – 297

7.3.2. Applicatives followed by lexical suffixes

pp.：  298 – 299

7.3.3. Summary: Applicatives and lexical suffixes

pp.：  300 – 300

7.4 A brief excursus: The indefinite suffix in Coeur d’Alene

pp.：  301 – 301

7.5 Multiple applicatives

pp.：  302 – 309

7.5.1. Relational followed by redirective

pp.：  303 – 305

7.5.2. Relational followed by relational

pp.：  306 – 308

7.5.3. Redirective followed by redirective

pp.：  309 – 309

7.5.4. Summary

pp.：  310 – 309

7.6 Summary

pp.：  310 – 318

Chapter Eight Discourse Functions of Salish Applicatives

pp.：  319 – 348

8.1 Frequency

pp.：  322 – 323

8.2 Person/animacy hierarchy effects in relational applicatives

pp.：  324 – 336

8.2.1. Halkomelem person/animacy effects

pp.：  324 – 326

8.2.2. Salish

pp.：  327 – 327

8.2.3. When are inanimates applied objects?

pp.：  328 – 333

8.2.4. When are human NPs oblique?

pp.：  334 – 335

8.2.5. Summary

pp.：  336 – 336

8.3 Topicality

pp.：  337 – 342

8.3.1. Topics and subjecthood

pp.：  337 – 340

8.3.2. Secondary topics

pp.：  341 – 341

8.3.3. Summary

pp.：  342 – 342

8.4 NP Type

pp.：  343 – 345

8.5 Summary

pp.：  346 – 348

Chapter Nine Cross-Linguistic Perspectives

pp.：  349 – 380

9.1 Where are applicatives found?

pp.：  351 – 353

9.2 Types of applicatives: Semantic roles

pp.：  354 – 364

9.2.1. Benefactives, recipients

pp.：  355 – 354

9.2.2. Locatives, instruments, comitatives

pp.：  355 – 360

9.2.3. Circumstantial

pp.：  361 – 363

9.2.4. Summary: Hierarchy of applicatives by semantic roles

pp.：  364 – 364

9.3 Morphological marking of applicatives

pp.：  365 – 371

9.3.1. Generalized applicatives

pp.：  365 – 366

9.3.2. Specialized applicatives

pp.：  367 – 369

9.3.3. Partially generalized systems

pp.：  370 – 371

9.4 Transitivity of the base

pp.：  372 – 373

9.5 The morphosyntax of applicatives

pp.：  374 – 378

9.6 Summary: Types of applicatives in the world’s languages

pp.：  379 – 380

Chapter Ten Conclusion

pp.：  381 – 414

10.1 The Salish applicative system

pp.：  382 – 384

10.2 Key properties of Salish applicatives

pp.：  385 – 390

10.2.1. Transitives versus applicatives

pp.：  385 – 385

10.2.2. Defining relationals

pp.：  386 – 387

10.2.3. Possessor applicatives

pp.：  388 – 387

10.2.4. The syntax of applicatives

pp.：  388 – 388

10.2.5. Combinations of applicatives with other morphology

pp.：  389 – 388

10.2.6. Multiple applicatives

pp.：  389 – 389

10.2.7. The discourse function of applicatives

pp.：  390 – 390

10.3 Future research directions

pp.：  391 – 392

Bibliography

pp.：  393 – 404

Indices

pp.：  405 – 414

Author Index

pp.：  405 – 407

Language Index

pp.：  408 – 411

Subject Index

pp.：  412 – 414