Contrastive Studies in Verbal Valency

Editorial page

Title page

LCC data

Table of contents

Mary Esther Kropp Dakubu In Memoriam

Issues in contrastive valency studies

1. Introduction

2. Valency and valency alternation in linguistic theory and description

2.1 Derivational designs

2.2 Subsumption designs

2.3 Larger structures

3. Typological/contrastive studies of valency

4. Contributions to the volume

References

Argument coding

Multiple case binding – The principled underspecification of case exponency

1. How morphological case receives its category status

1.1 The tradition – and where it falls short

1.2 Syntagmatic case vs. paradigmatic case

1.3 Syntagmatic case vs. paradigmatic case decided

1.4 Case in wider context

2. Case determining dependency (among which: governing) status

2.1 General

2.2 Paradigmatic case in synchrony and diachrony

2.2.1 Towards the encoding of argument differentiality

2.2.2 The accusative-prepositional case drift

2.2.3 The subject nominative-genitive differential

2.2.4 The object accusative-genitive differential

2.2.5 The diachronic introduction of the article function

2.3 Paradigmatic case assignment today

2.3.1 The case-aspect differential

2.3.2 The case-definiteness differential

2.3.4 The negation-object case differential

2.3.5 The adjectival-information structural differential

2.5 Case with and without category status: The bare case-prepositional case differential

2.5.1 Theta function and case sharing one single syntactic slot

2.5.2 Theta function and case not sharing one single syntactic slot

2.5.3 Apparent homo-functionalism

3. Subject differential marking as a sub-phenomenon of paradigmatic case assignment.

3.1 DSM in Turkish

3.2 DSM in Pontic Greek

4. Differential argument marking as a more general phenomenon of paradigmatic case assignment

5. Back to the notions of paradigmaticity as opposed to syntagmaticity – and the corresponding types of case assignment

6. Outlook – and a partial caveat

References

Infinitives

1. Introduction

2. Selected infinitives

2.1 Tense and Aspect infinitive constructions (TA constructions)

2.2 Norwegian and German Aspect constructions

2.3 First form infinitive constructions

2.3.1 Hypotactic chains and infinitives

2.3.2 Modal verbs

2.3.3 Perception verbs

3. Subject and object control

3.1 Subject control

3.2 Object control

3.2.1 Object control in a case language

3.2.2 Deontic switch control

4. Conclusion

Acknowledgements

References

A labeling system for valency

1. Introduction

2. The ‘Construction Labeling’ (CL) notation

3. Labeling valence patterns of English and Norwegian

3.1 Syntactic argument structure of Norwegian

3.2 Illustrating CL on simple patterns in Norwegian and English

3.3 Shared complex patterns

3.4 Un-shared complex patterns

3.5 Valency profiles

4. Valency and construction patterns of Ga

4.1 Patterns

4.2 Summarizing remarks

5. Utilizing CL notation in Grammar and in Ontology

5.1 Grammatical interpretation of CL templates

5.2 Induction of grammar from Interlinear Glossed Text (IGT) and CL jointly

5.3 Using CL templates for designing a construction ontology.

6. ‘Life cycles’ of systems and applications using CL

7. Comparisons with ‘Coding frames’ in‘ ValPal’

8. Final remarks

References

Appendix

Non-canonical valency patterns in Basque, variation and evolution

1. Introduction

2. Coding frames

3. Non-canonical coding frames

4. Some particularities of Basque valency grammar

4.1 Valency-changing derivations and valency alternations

4.2 Verbs and light verb compounds

4.3 Anaphoric and non-specific readings of unexpressed absolutive arguments

4.4 Atypical objects

4.5 The fuzziness of the unergative vs. transitive distinction

5. The expansion of coding frames lacking an absolutive slot in the history of Basque

5.1 Occasional changes and general tendencies

5.2 From ‘strict’ to ‘loose’ ergative coding: Evidence from aiming verbs

5.3 Relaxing the constraint on the obligatory presence of an absolutive term in predicative constructions

5.4 The integration of borrowed verbs

5.4.1 The situation in Modern Basque

5.4.2 The situation in Old Basque

6. Conclusion

References

Valency rearranging alternations

Exploring the domain of ditransitive constructions

1. Introduction

2. Basic alignment types

3. Alignment variation and lexical splits in ditransitive constructions

4. Lexical splits in the ditransitive domain

4.1 Ditransitive-Allative Hierarchy

4.2 Ditransitive-Benefactive Hierarchy

4.3 Ditransitive-Instrumental Hierarchy

4.4 Combining subhierarchies

5. Towards a semantic map for ditransitive constructions

5.1 Ditransitive domain

5.2 Ditransitive constructions in Mandarin

5.3 Ditransitive constructions in CAY Eskimo

5.4 Ditransitive constructions in Thai

5.5 Ditransitive constructions in Yorùbá

5.6 Some more maps and alignments splits

6. Further application of the map

6.1 Constraining indexing

6.2 Applicative split

7. Problematic patterns

7.1 Interference of structural factors

7.2 Verb polysemy and pattern inheritance

8. Conclusions

Acknowledgements

References

Cognate constructions in Italian and beyond

1. Introduction

2. Cognates in Italian and other languages

2.1 Types of cognate constructions

2.2 Preliminary remarks on the syntactic status of COs in Italian

2.3 Outline of the article

3. Cognate constructions in Italian

3.1 Methods and data

3.2 Verb classes

3.2.1 Emission verbs

3.2.2 (Re-)Creation verbs

3.2.3 Motion verbs

3.2.4 Weather verbs

3.2.5 Manner of Speaking verbs

3.3 Discussion

3.3.1 Italian COC

3.3.2 Italian COC

3.4 Cognate Object Constructions vs. Light Verb Constructions

4. Cognate Constructions with prepositions

4.1 COC vs. OF-pattern

4.2 A crosslinguistic look

4.3 The role of the WITH-pattern

5. Concluding remarks

References

Object omission and the semantics of predicates in Italian in a comparative perspective

1. Introduction

2. Object omission, event structure and transitivity

2.1 Event structure and the licensing of arguments

2.1.1 Structure vs constant/root participants and argument realization

2.2 The (in)transitivity continuum and the semanto-pragmatics of object omission7

3. The semantics of predicates and object omission in Italian

3.1 (Sub)types of object omission*

3.1.1 Indefinite Null Instantiation (Perfective and imperfective contexts)

3.1.2 Indefinite Null Instantiation (Imperfective contexts only)

3.1.3 Definite Null Instantiation

3.1.4 Unexpressed objects and event structure in Italian

4. Conclusions

References

On animacy restrictions for the null object in Brazilian Portuguese

1. Introduction

2. On null objects in Brazilian Portuguese

2.1 Properties of BP null objects

2.2 Analyzing null objects in BP

3. On animacy in BP null objects

4. On parallelism requirements

5. On argument structure and the parallelism requiremen

6. Conclusion

Acknowledgements

References

Voice and valency changing (uncoded/coded) alternations and markers

Between Passive and Middle

1. Introduction

2. Verbs with two non-active voice morphologies

3. Middle and Passive Voice in Greek

3.1 Voice morphology in Ancient Greek

3.2 A corpus study

3.3 Koine Greek

4. Conclusion

References

Valency alternations between inflection and derivation

1. Introduction

2. The inflection / derivation continuum

3. Deriving valency changes across inflection and derivation

4. The peculiar status of valency alternations

5. Valency alternations as a morphological operation

6. Valency alternations in Italian and German

6.1 IM-Relating valency alternations

6.2 DM-Relating valency alternations

Acknowledgements

References

Pronominal verbs across European languages

1. Pronominal verbs across European languages

2. Non-alternating pronominal verbs

3. Alternating pronominal verbs

4. Conclusions and lines for further research

References

Semantic constraints on the reflexive/non-reflexive alternation of Romanian unaccusatives

1. Introduction

2. The Romanian data

2.1 The values of Romanian se

2.1.1 Se as a reflexive/reciprocal pronoun

2.1.2 Se as a formative of inherently reflexive predicates

2.1.3 Anticausative se3

2.1.4 Summary

2.1.5 Se as a voice marker

2.2 The reflexive/non-reflexive alternation of Romanian unaccusatives

2.2.1 Preliminary remarks

2.2.2 Inventory of alternating unaccusatives

3. Romanian vs Romance

4. Conclusions

Acknowledgements

References

Circumfixed causatives in Polish against a panorama of active and non-active voice morphology

1. Morpho-syntax from the generative perspective

1.1 Derivational and root-based approaches to morpho-syntactic problems

1.2 The root-based model for valency phenomena

1.3 Causative/anticausative morpho-syntax (Alexiadou & Doron 2012)

2. The data

2.1 Circumfixed causatives in Polish

2.2 Circumfixed causatives in related languages

3. Causative semantics of anticausatives

4. Structural representation of causation

5. The roots appearing in the valency enhancement/valency reduction alternation

6. Statives with corresponding causatives

6.1 Statives

6.2 Causatives from the roots marked as [+ predicates of states], [+ predicates of events] vis-à-vis the lack of corresponding anticausatives

6.3 Statives with the roots marked as [+ predicates of states] and [+ predicates of events] vis-à-vis the lack of corresponding anticausatives

7. Experiencer verbs with corresponding causatives

8. Się anticausatives in Polish

9. Conclusion

Acknowledgements

References

Corpora