Chapter
5. The diachrony of PMs/DMs: What do we know?
6. The diachrony of PMs/DMs: Where do we go from here?
7. PMs/DMs and sociolinguistic variation: What do we know?
8. PMs/DMs and sociolinguistic variation: Where do we go from here?
Part 1. General theoretical questions and quantitative approaches
The emergence of Hebrew ‘loydea / loydat’ (‘I dunno MASC/FEM’) from interaction
2. ‘('ani) lo yode'a / yoda'at’ + object complement constructions
2.1 ‘('ani) lo yode'a / yoda'at’ + Object clause
2.1.1 ‘('ani)’ lo yode'a / yoda'at + object clause opening with ‘ma’ (‘what’): Literal use
2.1.2 ‘('ani) lo yode'a / yoda'at’ + Object clause opening with ‘'im’ (‘if, whether’): Epistemic stance of uncertainty and doubt
2.2 ‘('ani) lo yode'a / yoda'at’ + Question word
2.2.1 Epistemic stance of uncertainty
3. ‘('ani) lo yode'a / yoda'at’ constructions lacking an object
3.2 Epistemic stance of uncertainty
3.4 Changing the course of talk
3.4.1 Steering away from an unwanted topic raised by interlocutor
3.4.2 Abrupt change of topic
3.5 Interlude: An interactional approach to discourse markers
3.6 Allowing one’s response to ‘die out’
3.7 Avoiding dispreferred response
Appendix. Transcription Conventions
Towards a model for discourse marker annotation
1. Discourse markers and their rivals
2.2 Annotation experiment
3. From identification to annotation
3.1 Identification of “potential” discourse markers
3.2 Automatic retrieval from the corpus
3.3 Feature-based annotation in context
4. Operationalization of linguistic features
4.2 Semantic-pragmatic features
5.1 Frequency-based prototypes
5.2 Profiling discourse markers through multifactorial analysis
5.3 Weighing variables through conditional trees
5.4 Procedurality and “pragmatic markers”
5.5 Statistical validity of the model
Towards an operational category of discourse markers
2. Definitions in contest
2.2 Partial and overlapping definitions
2.2.1 Discourse markers and pragmatic markers
2.2.2 Discourse markers and modal particles
2.2.3 Discourse markers and subcategories
3. Bridging the gap: A corpus-based definition of DMs
3.1 Methodology for an extensive-intensive definition
3.2 Defining DMs with syntax and functions
3.3 Inclusions and exclusions from the category
4. From theory to practice…
4.1 Methodology for a crosslinguistic annotation model
4.3 Mapping the definition onto its annotation model
5. … and back again: Retrieving membership from annotations
5.1 Relational and non-relational types
6. Discussion: Reliability and exhaustivity of the definition
Appendix 1. List of functions grouped by domain
A corpus-based approach to functional markers in Greek
2. Functional markers in Greek
4. Positional preferences of Greek functional markers
5. Discussion and conclusions
Appendix. Items studied in the paper
Discourse markers and discourse relations
2. SDRT and Discourse Markers
4. An example: The DM quoi
Part 2. The status of modal particles
Modal particles and Verum focus
1. Speculations on the interactive character of modal particles and Verum focus
1.1 A word on the notion of verum focus
1.2 Applications and empirical links of VF
2. On the specific relation between VF, sentence type, and MP-selection
2.1 Verum focus on grammatical components
2.2 Verum focus and sentence type
3. First generalizations on the data sets
4. MPs in dependent sentences
5. Focused MP: The MP-differential
5.1 The spellout of dialogical MP-intervention
5.2 A caveat: Pitch stress on MP need not be VF
5.3 ‘Nur’ and ‘bloß’ as MP-synonyms?
6. Modal particles as parameters of textual or discursive cohesion
7. Synthesis on ILP-SLP and theticity: MPs trigger topicality & stage level predicates
7.1 The theticity constraint
7.2 MPs have stronger illocutive force than modal adverbials
7.3 Generalizations on IL-SL distributions and MP-license
8. Summary and conclusions: The inceptive questions
8.2 Methodology of MP-interpretation
8.3 Criteria of MP-interpretability
8.4 Typological conclusion: the syntactic specificity and uniqueness of MPs as opposed to epistemic adverbials
Italian non-canonical negations as modal particles
2. Romance non-canonical negations as discourse operators
3. The interplay of discourse givenness and hearer’s knowledge
4. Italian ‘mica’: From discourse-old to discourse-new?
5. Italian ‘mica’ in direct questions: MICA1 and MICA2
6. MICA1 vs. MICA2: Polarity and mirativity
7. Discourse-new but speaker-old in questions?
A format for the description of German modal particles and their functional equivalents in Croatian and English
2. Modal particles in a cross-linguistic perspective
2.1 German and Croatian modal particles
2.1.2 Functional properties
2.2 Functional equivalents of MPs in Croatian and English
3. A format for the description of modal particles and their functional equivalents in a cross-linguistic perspective
3.2 The descriptive format: The example of German bloβ and its equivalents
4. Outlook: Where do we go from here?
Part 3. Language-specific and diachronic studies
Vocatives as a source category for pragmatic markers
2. Vocatives and familiarizers
3. Affectivity and expressivity
3.1 Affective stance: A sociolinguistic notion
3.2 Expressive functions of vocative-based markers
4. Functions of discourse organization
5. The evolution of ‘güey’ and ‘alter’
5.1 Sociopragmatic indexicalities
5.4 Discourse markers vs. pragmatic markers
6. Conclusions: Affectivity as a catalyst
Paths of development of English DMs
2. Common trends in the development of English DMs
Grammaticalization of PMs/DMs/MMs in Japanese
2. Source items and their developmental paths: DMs and MMs
2.1 Connectives of cause/concession vs. connectives of enumeration
2.1.1 Connectives of cause/concession
2.1.2 Connectives of enumeration
2.1.3 Connectives in functional contrast: Two different pathways
2.2 Sino-Japanese nouns vs. formal nouns
2.2.1 Sino-Japanese nouns
2.2.3 Nouns in functional contrast: Two different pathways
2.3 Quotatives/Quotative conditionals
2.3.2 Quotative conditionals
3. Source Items and their developmental paths: PM
4. Function-Periphery Mapping
5. Implications on Beeching & Detges’ Hypothesis
Dubitative-corrective constructions in Italian
2. Semantics and pragmatics of dubitative-corrective constructions
2.1 The dubitative-corrective semantic core
3. Four case studies: Al limite, al massimo, tutt’al più, casomai
3.1 Al limite ‘and’ al massimo
On the pragmatic expansion of Polish ‘gdzieś tam’ ‘somewhere (there)/about’
2. Dictionary treatment of ‘gdzieś’ and ‘tam’
5. Analysis and discussion
5.1 Problematic dichotomy between canonical and non-canonical GDZIEś TAM
5.2 Lexico-grammatical context of GDZIEś TAM
5.2.2 Lexical co-occurrences
5.3 Functions of non-canonical GDZIEś TAM
II. Non-hedging function – ‘gdzieś tam’ as a marker of concept framing
A pragmatic approach to Joseph Wright’s ‘English Dialect Dictionary’
2. Definition and methodology
Part 4. Language contact and variation
Italian discourse markers and modal particles in contact
1.1 Italian discourse markers and modal particles
1.2 Discourse markers and modal particles in contact
3.1 Interactional function
3.4 Val Gardena and Val Badia data
Functional markers in llanito code-switching
1. Introduction: Functional markers in bilingual speech
2.1 Code switching in Gibraltar
2.2 Regular patterns in code switching
3.1 ‘No’: Turn yielding, agreement and something more
3.2 ‘Mira’ as an attention getter
4.1 Beyond discourse markers
5. Modality and illocution
5.2 Markers of illocution
6. Discussion and conclusions
2. The role of French in the history of English
3. Regional variation, ‘false friends’ and pragmaticalisation
4. External and socio-interactional factors, (cognitive) regularities and the role of persistence in semantic change
5. The main senses of ‘just/e’ in English and French
6. Are ‘just/juste’ false friends?: A comparison of distributional frequencies and usages in English and French
6.1 Distributional frequencies
6.3 Intensifying juste: La Tour Eiffel est juste immense
6.4 Towards a semantic map for just/juste