Chapter
1. Phonology and orthography
1. Phonology and orthography
1. Phonology and orthography
2. Types of non-phonemic variation
2. Types of non-phonemic variation
2. Types of non-phonemic variation
3. Idiosyncrasies of the practical orthography
3. Idiosyncrasies of the practical orthography
3. Idiosyncrasies of the practical orthography
3.1 Non-representation of “Clear” and “Breathy” Register:
3.1 Non-representation of “Clear” and “Breathy” Register:
3.1 Non-representation of “Clear” and “Breathy” Register:
3.2 (Non-)representation of syllable-initial Glottal stop
3.2 (Non-)representation of syllable-initial Glottal stop
3.2 (Non-)representation of syllable-initial Glottal stop
3.3 The multiple spellings of schwa
3.3 The multiple spellings of schwa
3.3 The multiple spellings of schwa
4. Phonological processes
4. Phonological processes
4. Phonological processes
4.1 Iambicity and the Erosion of initial syllables
4.1 Iambicity and the Erosion of initial syllables
4.1 Iambicity and the Erosion of initial syllables
5. Abstract phonemes and natural classes
5. Abstract phonemes and natural classes
5. Abstract phonemes and natural classes
5.1 The possibility of a class of “weak velars”
5.1 The possibility of a class of “weak velars”
5.1 The possibility of a class of “weak velars”
5.2 The possibility of an archiphonemic diphthong /midvowel + schwa/
5.2 The possibility of an archiphonemic diphthong /midvowel + schwa/
5.2 The possibility of an archiphonemic diphthong /midvowel + schwa/
5.3 The natural class of stops: Obstruent devoicing
5.3 The natural class of stops: Obstruent devoicing
5.3 The natural class of stops: Obstruent devoicing
5.4 A class of weak consonants? The lenitions of /s/ and /r/
5.4 A class of weak consonants? The lenitions of /s/ and /r/
5.4 A class of weak consonants? The lenitions of /s/ and /r/
6. Derivational morphological processes confined to Pali words
6. Derivational morphological processes confined to Pali words
6. Derivational morphological processes confined to Pali words
6.1 The s ~ h alternation
6.1 The s ~ h alternation
6.1 The s ~ h alternation
6.2 The dubious r ~ ø alternation in Pali compounds
6.2 The dubious r ~ ø alternation in Pali compounds
6.2 The dubious r ~ ø alternation in Pali compounds
6.3 The zero ~ schwa alternation: A Pali rule of anaptyxis
6.3 The zero ~ schwa alternation: A Pali rule of anaptyxis
6.3 The zero ~ schwa alternation: A Pali rule of anaptyxis
2. The structure of words
2. The structure of words
2. The structure of words
2.2 The unassimilated Pali vocabulary
2.2 The unassimilated Pali vocabulary
2.2 The unassimilated Pali vocabulary
3. Derivational morphology and word formation
3. Derivational morphology and word formation
3. Derivational morphology and word formation
1.3 Gender marking affixes
1.3 Gender marking affixes
1.3 Gender marking affixes
1.4 The negative prefix a’-
1.4 The negative prefix a’-
1.4 The negative prefix a’-
1.5 The prefix ee:k(a)- ~aek(a) “one”
1.5 The prefix ee:k(a)- ~aek(a) “one”
1.5 The prefix ee:k(a)- ~aek(a) “one”
2. Native derivational morphology
2. Native derivational morphology
2. Native derivational morphology
2.3 Other traces of affixation
2.3 Other traces of affixation
2.3 Other traces of affixation
3. Derivation via regular compounding
3. Derivation via regular compounding
3. Derivation via regular compounding
3.1 Actor nominalizations
3.1 Actor nominalizations
3.1 Actor nominalizations
3.2 The prefix m- “one” (
3.2 The prefix m- “one” (
3.2 The prefix m- “one” (
3.3 The ordinalizer ti: “place”
3.3 The ordinalizer ti: “place”
3.3 The ordinalizer ti: “place”
4. Diachronic speculations concerning infixes
4. Diachronic speculations concerning infixes
4. Diachronic speculations concerning infixes
1. Phrase level compounds
1. Phrase level compounds
1. Phrase level compounds
2. Word level compounding
2. Word level compounding
2. Word level compounding
2.1 Semantically motivated compounding
2.1 Semantically motivated compounding
2.1 Semantically motivated compounding
2.2 Iconically motivated compounding
2.2 Iconically motivated compounding
2.2 Iconically motivated compounding
2.3 Love of symmetry for its own sake
2.3 Love of symmetry for its own sake
2.3 Love of symmetry for its own sake
3. The structural integrity of meaningless symmetry
3. The structural integrity of meaningless symmetry
3. The structural integrity of meaningless symmetry
3.1 Competing motivations: Symmetry versus iambicity
3.1 Competing motivations: Symmetry versus iambicity
3.1 Competing motivations: Symmetry versus iambicity
3.2 The integrity of meaninglessness
3.2 The integrity of meaninglessness
3.2 The integrity of meaninglessness
4. Diachronic speculations on the origin of servant words
4. Diachronic speculations on the origin of servant words
4. Diachronic speculations on the origin of servant words
5. Towards the emancipation of servant words
5. Towards the emancipation of servant words
5. Towards the emancipation of servant words
6. Obligatorification and the optionality of decorative morphology
6. Obligatorification and the optionality of decorative morphology
6. Obligatorification and the optionality of decorative morphology
5. The conventional Noun Phrase
5. The conventional Noun Phrase
5. The conventional Noun Phrase
1. The np as a contingent clump
1. The np as a contingent clump
1. The np as a contingent clump
2.1 The male dishonorific prefix a:-
2.1 The male dishonorific prefix a:-
2.1 The male dishonorific prefix a:-
2.3 Lo:k “monk” (>Mr., sir)
2.3 Lo:k “monk” (>Mr., sir)
2.3 Lo:k “monk” (>Mr., sir)
3. Modification and the structure of the putative np
3. Modification and the structure of the putative np
3. Modification and the structure of the putative np
3.1 Possessive modification
3.1 Possessive modification
3.1 Possessive modification
3.2 Nominal compounds of the form NN
3.2 Nominal compounds of the form NN
3.2 Nominal compounds of the form NN
3.3 Adjectival/verbal modification
3.3 Adjectival/verbal modification
3.3 Adjectival/verbal modification
3.4 The expression of plurality for count nouns
3.4 The expression of plurality for count nouns
3.4 The expression of plurality for count nouns
3.5 Sentential modification by Relative Clauses
3.5 Sentential modification by Relative Clauses
3.5 Sentential modification by Relative Clauses
3.7 Pali syntax: Modifier + Head constructions
3.7 Pali syntax: Modifier + Head constructions
3.7 Pali syntax: Modifier + Head constructions
4. Internal structure of the Measure Phrase
4. Internal structure of the Measure Phrase
4. Internal structure of the Measure Phrase
6. Grammaticalization, lexicalization, and polyfunctionality
6. Grammaticalization, lexicalization, and polyfunctionality
6. Grammaticalization, lexicalization, and polyfunctionality
6.1 The grammaticalization of muaj “one”
6.1 The grammaticalization of muaj “one”
6.1 The grammaticalization of muaj “one”
6.2 A restrictive definition of polyfunctionality
6.2 A restrictive definition of polyfunctionality
6.2 A restrictive definition of polyfunctionality
1. Indexing speech act status: Personal pronouns
1. Indexing speech act status: Personal pronouns
1. Indexing speech act status: Personal pronouns
2.2 The reciprocal pronoun knia
2.2 The reciprocal pronoun knia
2.2 The reciprocal pronoun knia
2.3 “Long-distance” anaphors
2.3 “Long-distance” anaphors
2.3 “Long-distance” anaphors
1. The order of arguments
1. The order of arguments
1. The order of arguments
1.2 Presentative sentences
1.2 Presentative sentences
1.2 Presentative sentences
1.3 Other sentential word orders
1.3 Other sentential word orders
1.3 Other sentential word orders
4.1 Manner adverb phrases
4.1 Manner adverb phrases
4.1 Manner adverb phrases
5.3 The expression of “also”
5.3 The expression of “also”
5.3 The expression of “also”
5.4 Decorative compounding of conjunctions
5.4 Decorative compounding of conjunctions
5.4 Decorative compounding of conjunctions
5.5 Exhaustive coordination and disjunction
5.5 Exhaustive coordination and disjunction
5.5 Exhaustive coordination and disjunction
6.3 Metalinguistic negation
6.3 Metalinguistic negation
6.3 Metalinguistic negation
7.3 Sentence-initial question markers
7.3 Sentence-initial question markers
7.3 Sentence-initial question markers
10. Kw: and focus marking
10. Kw: and focus marking
10. Kw: and focus marking
8. Complex verbal predicates and verbal clumps
8. Complex verbal predicates and verbal clumps
8. Complex verbal predicates and verbal clumps
2.1 Auxiliaries which derive from main verbs
2.1 Auxiliaries which derive from main verbs
2.1 Auxiliaries which derive from main verbs
2.2 Dedicated auxiliary verbs
2.2 Dedicated auxiliary verbs
2.2 Dedicated auxiliary verbs
2.3 The ordering of auxiliary verbs
2.3 The ordering of auxiliary verbs
2.3 The ordering of auxiliary verbs
3.1 The resultative construction: Verb (action) + Verb (result)
3.1 The resultative construction: Verb (action) + Verb (result)
3.1 The resultative construction: Verb (action) + Verb (result)
3.3 Serial clauses as (infinitival) complements
3.3 Serial clauses as (infinitival) complements
3.3 Serial clauses as (infinitival) complements
3.4 The serial verb as perfective aspect marker
3.4 The serial verb as perfective aspect marker
3.4 The serial verb as perfective aspect marker
3.5 The serial verb as sequential “and then” conjunction
3.5 The serial verb as sequential “and then” conjunction
3.5 The serial verb as sequential “and then” conjunction
3.6 Cooccurrence of more than one “SV”
3.6 Cooccurrence of more than one “SV”
3.6 Cooccurrence of more than one “SV”
4. A:c “can” + MV + ba:n “can”
4. A:c “can” + MV + ba:n “can”
4. A:c “can” + MV + ba:n “can”
5. The passive using the auxiliary verb trev: “must/need to”
5. The passive using the auxiliary verb trev: “must/need to”
5. The passive using the auxiliary verb trev: “must/need to”
6. Stages in the grammaticalization of the resultative clause
6. Stages in the grammaticalization of the resultative clause
6. Stages in the grammaticalization of the resultative clause
6.1 Migration from SV to AV
6.1 Migration from SV to AV
6.1 Migration from SV to AV
9. Explicit clause combining
9. Explicit clause combining
9. Explicit clause combining
1.2 Relative clauses introduced by dael
1.2 Relative clauses introduced by dael
1.2 Relative clauses introduced by dael
3. Clause-internal conjunction kaw:
3. Clause-internal conjunction kaw:
3. Clause-internal conjunction kaw:
4.1 “What I have, that I spend”
4.1 “What I have, that I spend”
4.1 “What I have, that I spend”
4.2 “The more, the merrier”
4.2 “The more, the merrier”
4.2 “The more, the merrier”
10. How do Khmer words change their meanings?
10. How do Khmer words change their meanings?
10. How do Khmer words change their meanings?
1.1 Aoj as subjunctive complementizer
1.1 Aoj as subjunctive complementizer
1.1 Aoj as subjunctive complementizer
1.2 From complementizer to main verb
1.2 From complementizer to main verb
1.2 From complementizer to main verb
2.1 From consequence to inconsequence
2.1 From consequence to inconsequence
2.1 From consequence to inconsequence
2.2 From inconsequence to parallelism
2.2 From inconsequence to parallelism
2.2 From inconsequence to parallelism
2.4 From parallelism to conformity
2.4 From parallelism to conformity
2.4 From parallelism to conformity
2.5 From inconsequence to bracketing concessive clauses
2.5 From inconsequence to bracketing concessive clauses
2.5 From inconsequence to bracketing concessive clauses
2.6 From brackets to discourse particle
2.6 From brackets to discourse particle
2.6 From brackets to discourse particle
3.1 ba:n follows indispensable preconditions
3.1 ba:n follows indispensable preconditions
3.1 ba:n follows indispensable preconditions
3.2 ba:n introduces measure phrases
3.2 ba:n introduces measure phrases
3.2 ba:n introduces measure phrases
3.3 ba:n as an inchoative auxiliary
3.3 ba:n as an inchoative auxiliary
3.3 ba:n as an inchoative auxiliary
4. A principle of extension via infection
4. A principle of extension via infection
4. A principle of extension via infection
5. Conclusion: Types of association
5. Conclusion: Types of association
5. Conclusion: Types of association
5.1 Non-definitional extension
5.1 Non-definitional extension
5.1 Non-definitional extension
5.2 Syntagmatic association (= Matisoff’s Cheshirization)
5.2 Syntagmatic association (= Matisoff’s Cheshirization)
5.2 Syntagmatic association (= Matisoff’s Cheshirization)
5.3 Paradigmatic association
5.3 Paradigmatic association
5.3 Paradigmatic association
3. Changes in category membership
3. Changes in category membership
3. Changes in category membership
3.1 Grammaticalization-like changes
3.1 Grammaticalization-like changes
3.1 Grammaticalization-like changes
3.2 Against or across the current
3.2 Against or across the current
3.2 Against or across the current
5. Elements entirely outside the system of category change
5. Elements entirely outside the system of category change
5. Elements entirely outside the system of category change
5. The Rabbit and the Tigress
5. The Rabbit and the Tigress
5. The Rabbit and the Tigress
Cambodian
：Khmer
( London Oriental and African Language Library )
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