Description
This pathbreaking study presents a new perspective on the role of derivation, the series of operations by which sentences are formed. Working within the Minimalist Program and focusing on English, the authors develop an original theory of generative syntax, providing illuminating new analyses of some central syntactic constructions. Two key questions are explored: first, can the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) be eliminated from Minimalist analysis without loss, and perhaps with a gain in empirical coverage; and second, is the construct 'A-Chain' similarly eliminable? The authors argue that neither EPP nor the A-chain is in fact a property of Universal Grammar, but rather their descriptive content can be deduced from independently motivated properties of lexical items, in accordance with overarching principles governing derivation. In investigating these questions, a range of new data is introduced, and existing data re-analyzed, presenting a pioneering challenge to fundamental assumptions in syntactic theory.
Chapter
2 On the elimination of A-chains
2.1 Chains are not syntactic objects
2.1.2 Copy theory and chains
2.1.3 Why chains are not syntactic objects
2.1.4 A potential problem: substantive reference to A-chains
2.2 A-chains are not specifiable under X' invisibility
2.2.1 Could chains be visible, but only at LF?
2.2.2 Avoiding reference to X': motherhood instead of sisterhood?
2.2.3 Chains are redundant with Merge and Move
2.3 A non-isomorphism between A-chains and successive cyclic A-movement
2.3.1 +/- interpretability of features
2.3.2 How are chains formed?
2.3.3 Chains and the chain condition
2.3.4 Derivation-internal deletion of derivation-internally created copies and chains
2.4 An alternative analysis without chains
2.4.1 A-movement in one step
2.4.2 The elimination of A-traces: derivation vs. representation
3 On the elimination of the EPP
3.2.1 The mysteriousness of the EPP
3.2.2 The unclarity of the formulation of the EPP
3.2.3 Redundancy with other principles
3.2.4 Non-redundant EPP satisfaction
3.2.5 Inadequacy: McCloskey’s elimination of the EPP
3.3 There-insertion and raising: more problems created by the EPP
3.3.1 The central problem
3.3.2 Problematic solutions: a domino effect?
3.3.3 Further issues concerning there-insertion and raising
3.3.4 Some advantages of a derivational analysis
3.4 The conjecture class of verbs
3.4.2 On the properties of conjecture verbs and the documented unclarity of the data
3.4.3 A new problem: nominal conjecture
4 More challenges to the elimination of the EPP: some movement cases
4.2 Evidence for successive cyclic A-movement as evidence for the EPP
4.3 The Bošković approach
4.3.1 Bošković: successive cyclic A-movement without the EPP
4.3.2 Potential problems with the Bošković approach
4.4 Some alternative solutions
4.4.1 Getting into (and out of) a bind
4.4.2 Does the experiencer c-command into the lower clause?
4.4.3 Toward a solution: Torrego (2002) on experiencers
4.4.4 Experiencers and reconstruction
5.1 Derivational architecture of CH
5.1.1 Existentials, Case and the derivation
5.1.2 The Gutmann Problem
5.2 Some final notes on the derivational model; eliminating feature strength and ‘obligatory’ transformational rule application