VARIATION WITHIN AND ACROSS ROMANCE LANGUAGES

VARIATION WITHIN AND ACROSS ROMANCE LANGUAGES

Editorial page

Editorial page

Title page

Title page

LCC data

LCC data

Table of contents

Table of contents

Foreword and Acknowledgments

Foreword and Acknowledgments

Editors’ introduction

Editors’ introduction

1. Aspects of variation in linguistics

1. Aspects of variation in linguistics

2. Overview of articles

2. Overview of articles

3. Conclusion

3. Conclusion

References

References

Part I. Sound patterns

Part I. Sound patterns

Sibilant voicing assimilation in peninsular Spanish as gestural blending

Sibilant voicing assimilation in peninsular Spanish as gestural blending

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

1.1 Description of the phenomenon

1.1 Description of the phenomenon

1.2 Previous studies and analytical framework: Predictions

1.2 Previous studies and analytical framework: Predictions

2. Experimental design

2. Experimental design

2.1 Experimental materials

2.1 Experimental materials

2.2 Data analysis

2.2 Data analysis

3. Results

3. Results

3.1 Voiced vs. voiceless condition

3.1 Voiced vs. voiceless condition

3.2 Stressed vs. unstressed condition

3.2 Stressed vs. unstressed condition

3.3 Recoding for a new factor: Manner of articulation of following obstruent

3.3 Recoding for a new factor: Manner of articulation of following obstruent

3.4 Word internal vs. word boundary vs. prosodic phrase boundary condition

3.4 Word internal vs. word boundary vs. prosodic phrase boundary condition

4. Discussion and conclusions

4. Discussion and conclusions

References

References

Appendix: Sentences used in the experiment with their translation

Appendix: Sentences used in the experiment with their translation

Phonology-morphology opacity in Harmonic Serialism

Phonology-morphology opacity in Harmonic Serialism

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

2. Transparent /s/ aspiration

2. Transparent /s/ aspiration

3. Opacity by overapplication of /s/ aspiration

3. Opacity by overapplication of /s/ aspiration

3. Theoretical background

3. Theoretical background

3.1 Harmonic Serialism

3.1 Harmonic Serialism

3.3 Sources of phonological linear precedence relations

3.3 Sources of phonological linear precedence relations

4. Analysis

4. Analysis

4.1 Morphological constituency of affixed forms and prosody-enforcing constraints

4.1 Morphological constituency of affixed forms and prosody-enforcing constraints

4.2 Group A dialects

4.2 Group A dialects

4.3 Group B dialects

4.3 Group B dialects

4.4 Group C dialects

4.4 Group C dialects

4.5 Summary: Constraint rankings

4.5 Summary: Constraint rankings

5. Conclusion

5. Conclusion

References

References

Morphologically conditioned intervocalic rhotacism in Algherese Catalan

Morphologically conditioned intervocalic rhotacism in Algherese Catalan

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

2. Intervocalic rhotacism in Algherese Catalan: A case of lexical variation

2. Intervocalic rhotacism in Algherese Catalan: A case of lexical variation

3. An account in terms of lexically indexed constraints

3. An account in terms of lexically indexed constraints

3.1 Theoretical background and descriptive generalizations

3.1 Theoretical background and descriptive generalizations

3.2 Constraints

3.2 Constraints

3.3 Analysis

3.3 Analysis

4. The comedy of errors: Conclusions and new research lines

4. The comedy of errors: Conclusions and new research lines

References

References

Muta cum liquida in the light of Tertenia Sardinian metathesis and compensatory lengthening Latin Vtr > Old French Vrr

Muta cum liquida in the light of Tertenia Sardinian metathesis and compensatory lengthening Latin Vtr > Old French Vrr

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

2. CVCV, the Coda Mirror and its muteness regarding branching onsets

2. CVCV, the Coda Mirror and its muteness regarding branching onsets

3. Syntactic locality applied to branching onsets

3. Syntactic locality applied to branching onsets

4. Petra > pierre: Compensatory lengthening TR > RR in French

4. Petra > pierre: Compensatory lengthening TR > RR in French

4.1 Gallo-Romance vowel length and the ban of super-heavy syllables: *VVC.C

4.1 Gallo-Romance vowel length and the ban of super-heavy syllables: *VVC.C

4.2 Gallo-Romance monophthongs: Compensatory lengthening blocked after long vowels

4.2 Gallo-Romance monophthongs: Compensatory lengthening blocked after long vowels

4.3 Gallo-Romance diphthongs have inherent and stress-independent length

4.3 Gallo-Romance diphthongs have inherent and stress-independent length

4.4 The ban on super-heavy syllables blocks gemination

4.4 The ban on super-heavy syllables blocks gemination

4.5 CVCV offers a plausible scenario, but no solution is in sight in traditional syllabic and moraic analysis

4.5 CVCV offers a plausible scenario, but no solution is in sight in traditional syllabic and moraic analysis

5. Metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian

5. Metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian

5.1 Native vs. foreign vocabulary

5.1 Native vs. foreign vocabulary

5.2 Tertenia metathesis: Description

5.2 Tertenia metathesis: Description

5.3 Allomorphy is not an option in external sandhi

5.3 Allomorphy is not an option in external sandhi

5.4 Lexical conditioning makes traditional scenarios implausible

5.4 Lexical conditioning makes traditional scenarios implausible

5.5 Empty nuclei are the motor

5.5 Empty nuclei are the motor

References

References

Schwa at the phonology/syntax interface

Schwa at the phonology/syntax interface

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

2. The phonology/morphology interface

2. The phonology/morphology interface

3. The phonology/syntax interface

3. The phonology/syntax interface

3.1 Suprasegmental domains

3.1 Suprasegmental domains

3.2 Stress displacement

3.2 Stress displacement

4. The role of the syntax

4. The role of the syntax

5. Related consequences

5. Related consequences

5.1 Placement of pauses

5.1 Placement of pauses

5.2 Behavior of high vowels

5.2 Behavior of high vowels

6. Conclusion

6. Conclusion

References

References

Weight effects across verbal domains

Weight effects across verbal domains

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

2. On the notion of weight

2. On the notion of weight

2.1 Weight and preverbal positions

2.1 Weight and preverbal positions

3. Verb types

3. Verb types

3.1 Unaccusative and unergative verbs: An overview

3.1 Unaccusative and unergative verbs: An overview

3.2 Unaccusative and emission verbs: Our corpus sample

3.2 Unaccusative and emission verbs: Our corpus sample

4. Corpus de Referencia del Español Actual (CREA)

4. Corpus de Referencia del Español Actual (CREA)

5. Testing subject position: Nominal vs. scalar coding

5. Testing subject position: Nominal vs. scalar coding

5.1 Test 1: Nominal coding

5.1 Test 1: Nominal coding

5.2 Test 1: Numerical coding

5.2 Test 1: Numerical coding

6. Analysis of results and conclusion

6. Analysis of results and conclusion

References

References

Part II. Syntax and semantics

Part II. Syntax and semantics

On truth persistence

On truth persistence

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

2. The TP-value: Empirical data from European Portuguese and Italian

2. The TP-value: Empirical data from European Portuguese and Italian

2.1 Presuppositional properties of TP-sempre

2.1 Presuppositional properties of TP-sempre

3. Differences between European Portuguese and Italian

3. Differences between European Portuguese and Italian

3.1 Past tensed sentences

3.1 Past tensed sentences

3.2 Presence of a plan

3.2 Presence of a plan

3.3 Stative verbs

3.3 Stative verbs

3.4 Continuative value of sempre

3.4 Continuative value of sempre

3.5 Focus sensitivity

3.5 Focus sensitivity

4. The analysis

4. The analysis

5. Conclusion

5. Conclusion

References

References

Pick some but not all alternatives!

Pick some but not all alternatives!

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

2. A new puzzle

2. A new puzzle

2.1 Vreun in modal contexts

2.1 Vreun in modal contexts

2.2 Imperatives

2.2 Imperatives

3. Imperatives and modal inference

3. Imperatives and modal inference

3.1 Free choice in disjunctive imperatives

3.1 Free choice in disjunctive imperatives

3.2 The restriction to alternative-presenting imperatives

3.2 The restriction to alternative-presenting imperatives

4. Total versus partial variation: An alternative-based account

4. Total versus partial variation: An alternative-based account

4.1 Deriving free choice

4.1 Deriving free choice

4.2 The ban on total variation

4.2 The ban on total variation

5. Concluding remarks

5. Concluding remarks

References

References

Polarity fronting in Romanian and Sardinian

Polarity fronting in Romanian and Sardinian

1. Introduction: Polarity fronting – meaning and syntactic realization

1. Introduction: Polarity fronting – meaning and syntactic realization

2. Polarity fronting in Romanian interrogatives

2. Polarity fronting in Romanian interrogatives

3. Note on the interpretation of polarity in polar interrogatives

3. Note on the interpretation of polarity in polar interrogatives

4. Polarity fronting in Romanian declaratives

4. Polarity fronting in Romanian declaratives

5. Sardinian predicate raising

5. Sardinian predicate raising

5.1 Interrogatives

5.1 Interrogatives

5.2 Declaratives

5.2 Declaratives

5.3 Syntactic analysis and comparison with Romanian

5.3 Syntactic analysis and comparison with Romanian

6. Conclusion

6. Conclusion

Primary sources

Primary sources

References

References

Degree quantification and scope in Puerto Rican Spanish

Degree quantification and scope in Puerto Rican Spanish

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

2. The neg modification alternation in Puerto Rican Spanish

2. The neg modification alternation in Puerto Rican Spanish

3. Restrictions on preposing

3. Restrictions on preposing

4. Overt degree raising

4. Overt degree raising

5. The interpretation of [más + n-word]

5. The interpretation of [más + n-word]

6. Conclusion

6. Conclusion

References

References

‘Minimal link constraint’ violations

‘Minimal link constraint’ violations

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

2. Clitic Doubling in Greek, Romanian and Spanish

2. Clitic Doubling in Greek, Romanian and Spanish

3. Clitic Doubling repairing defective intervention

3. Clitic Doubling repairing defective intervention

3.1 Defective Intervention for Move: Multiple cliticization

3.1 Defective Intervention for Move: Multiple cliticization

3.2 (Long Distance) Agree: Clitic Doubling in Raising Constructions

3.2 (Long Distance) Agree: Clitic Doubling in Raising Constructions

4. Conclusion

4. Conclusion

References

References

On subjunctives and islandhood

On subjunctives and islandhood

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

1.1 The problem

1.1 The problem

2. Subjunctive and indicative

2. Subjunctive and indicative

2.1 ‘Factives’?

2.1 ‘Factives’?

2.2 Veridicality?

2.2 Veridicality?

2.3 Emotive vs. cognitive

2.3 Emotive vs. cognitive

3. Islandhood

3. Islandhood

3.1 Verbs of the se rappeler type

3.1 Verbs of the se rappeler type

3.2 Verbs of the dire type

3.2 Verbs of the dire type

3.3 Verbs of the regretter type

3.3 Verbs of the regretter type

4. Selection, size and islands

4. Selection, size and islands

4.1 Selection

4.1 Selection

4.2 Size

4.2 Size

5. Conclusion

5. Conclusion

References

References

When control can’t be a fact

When control can’t be a fact

1. The problem: An unexplained gap in tenseless clausal complementation

1. The problem: An unexplained gap in tenseless clausal complementation

2. Overview of the proposal

2. Overview of the proposal

3. What are Eventualities, Facts, and Propositions?

3. What are Eventualities, Facts, and Propositions?

4. Further proof that verbs disallowing simple control (ECM/small clause) complementation s-select uniquely for (Possible) facts

4. Further proof that verbs disallowing simple control (ECM/small clause) complementation s-select uniquely for (Possible) facts

5. On the incompatibility of control in simple infinitives and possible fact-denoting clauses

5. On the incompatibility of control in simple infinitives and possible fact-denoting clauses

6. Conclusion

6. Conclusion

References

References

Part III. Historical aspects

Part III. Historical aspects

Prevocalic velar advancement in Chilean Spanish and Proto-Romance

Prevocalic velar advancement in Chilean Spanish and Proto-Romance

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

2. Proto-Romance data

2. Proto-Romance data

2.1 First century

2.1 First century

2.2 Fifth century

2.2 Fifth century

3. Chilean Spanish

3. Chilean Spanish

4. Features and representations

4. Features and representations

5. Analysis

5. Analysis

6. Constraint rankings

6. Constraint rankings

6.1 Velar fronting

6.1 Velar fronting

6.2 Palatalization

6.2 Palatalization

6.3 Lack of advancement

6.3 Lack of advancement

6.4 Palatalization restricted to diphthongal contexts

6.4 Palatalization restricted to diphthongal contexts

6.5 Coronalization

6.5 Coronalization

7. Discussion

7. Discussion

References

References

The role of the copula in the diachronic development of focus constructions in Portuguese

The role of the copula in the diachronic development of focus constructions in Portuguese

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

2. A summary of the diachronic changes

2. A summary of the diachronic changes

2.1 Changes that affected both European and Brazilian Portuguese

2.1 Changes that affected both European and Brazilian Portuguese

2.2 Changes that affected only Brazilian Portuguese

2.2 Changes that affected only Brazilian Portuguese

3. Analyses

3. Analyses

3.1 The earliest type of that-clefts in Portuguese history: The reverse that-cleft

3.1 The earliest type of that-clefts in Portuguese history: The reverse that-cleft

3.2 The canonical type of that-cleft

3.2 The canonical type of that-cleft

3.3 Changes that affected only BP

3.3 Changes that affected only BP

3.4 Puzzles in EP: Revisiting the apparent V2 constructions

3.4 Puzzles in EP: Revisiting the apparent V2 constructions

4. Conclusion

4. Conclusion

References

References

The French wh interrogative system

The French wh interrogative system

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

2. French wh variants: Evolution and usage

2. French wh variants: Evolution and usage

2.1 Wh fronting with reinforcer variants

2.1 Wh fronting with reinforcer variants

2.2 Other variants

2.2 Other variants

2.3 Summary: What does this all mean?

2.3 Summary: What does this all mean?

3. Clefting in French

3. Clefting in French

4. Clefted wh interrogatives

4. Clefted wh interrogatives

5. Conclusion

5. Conclusion

References

References

On the relation between functionalarchitecture and patterns of changein Romance object clitic syntax

On the relation between functionalarchitecture and patterns of changein Romance object clitic syntax

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

2. The case of Fassano infinitive+OCL structures

2. The case of Fassano infinitive+OCL structures

2.1 The Fassano facts of micro-parametric variation and diachronic change

2.1 The Fassano facts of micro-parametric variation and diachronic change

2.2 Accounting for the OCL hierarchy in Fassano variation and change

2.2 Accounting for the OCL hierarchy in Fassano variation and change

3. Evidence of OCL hierarchy: Support from variationin Spanish dialect OCL syntax

3. Evidence of OCL hierarchy: Support from variationin Spanish dialect OCL syntax

4. Application to other cases, and conclusions

4. Application to other cases, and conclusions

4.1 Historical Piedmontese and the change in OCL syntaxin the compound tenses

4.1 Historical Piedmontese and the change in OCL syntaxin the compound tenses

4.2 Evidence for reflexive se as last OCL to undergo change?

4.2 Evidence for reflexive se as last OCL to undergo change?

5. Conclusion

5. Conclusion

References

References

Part IV. Interactions across dialects and Part IV. languages

Part IV. Interactions across dialects and Part IV. languages

Investigating the effects of perceptual salience and regional dialect on phonetic accommodation in Spanish

Investigating the effects of perceptual salience and regional dialect on phonetic accommodation in Spanish

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

2. Phonetic accommodation and perceptual salience

2. Phonetic accommodation and perceptual salience

3. Buenos Aires Spanish and Madrid Spanish

3. Buenos Aires Spanish and Madrid Spanish

4. Methodology

4. Methodology

4.1 Participants

4.1 Participants

4.2 Procedure

4.2 Procedure

4.3 Data analysis

4.3 Data analysis

5. Results and discussion

5. Results and discussion

5.1 Degree of perceptual salience of the dialectal differences

5.1 Degree of perceptual salience of the dialectal differences

5.2 The relation between perceptual salience and phonetic accommodation

5.2 The relation between perceptual salience and phonetic accommodation

5.3 Discussion

5.3 Discussion

6. Conclusions and future work

6. Conclusions and future work

References

References

Appendix A

Appendix A

Appendix B: Stimuli for perception task

Appendix B: Stimuli for perception task

English questions, Spanish structure

English questions, Spanish structure

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

2. Findings and accounts of negative interlinguistic influence

2. Findings and accounts of negative interlinguistic influence

3. Facilitation in child bilinguals

3. Facilitation in child bilinguals

3.1 Wh-questions in Spanish-English bilinguals

3.1 Wh-questions in Spanish-English bilinguals

3.2 Structure-sharing in bilingual production

3.2 Structure-sharing in bilingual production

4. Discussion

4. Discussion

5. Conclusion

5. Conclusion

References

References

French oral proficiency assessment

French oral proficiency assessment

1. Introduction

1. Introduction

2. Oral proficiency assessment

2. Oral proficiency assessment

2.1 Elicited imitation: An overview

2.1 Elicited imitation: An overview

2.2 EI test design and administration

2.2 EI test design and administration

2.3 Scoring EI tests

2.3 Scoring EI tests

3. A French EI test

3. A French EI test

3.1 Test development and design

3.1 Test development and design

3.2 Test administration

3.2 Test administration

4. EI test scoring and analysis

4. EI test scoring and analysis

5. Conclusions and future work

5. Conclusions and future work

References

References

Name index

Name index

Subject index

Subject index